9/11 and the “Anti-War” Left
David Horowitz
September 11, 2003
While the attacks of September 11, 2001 were a wake up call for all
Americans, they were a particular reckoning for Americans on the political
left, and within that group for Americans belonging to the Sixties
generation who launched the “original” anti-war movement over Vietnam. It is
members of this generation who led the protests against America’s response
to 9/11 and the war in Afghanistan and then against the war in Iraq. It is
members of this generation who refused to wave the flag on September 12th or
any time thereafter, when it was the bracing symbol of a wounded country
struggling to defend itself.
Members of this generation went even further, and blamed America itself for
the attacks of September 11. They rejected the call to patriotism and to the
defense of their country. “Patriotism threatens free speech with death,”
spat novelist Barbara Kingsolver. “It is infuriated by thoughtful
hesitation, constructive criticism of our leaders and pleas for peace. It
despises people of foreign birth who’ve spent years learning our culture and
contributing their talents to our economy….The American flag stands for
intimidation, censorship, violence, bigotry, sexism, homophobia, and shoving
the Constitution through a paper shredder.”
Katha Pollitt, an editor of The Nation, agreed, and denied her high school
daughter’s request to hang the flag out their apartment window with these
words: “Definitely not, I say: The flag stands for jingoism and vengeance
and war.”
But not everyone in the left was on board for this assault on their country.
Christopher Hitchens wrote a moving tribute to America in Vanity Fair and
for the first time in his life came to the conclusion that the country he
had lived in for more than twenty years was worth defending, and ultimately
adopting. Todd Gitlin, a former president of SDS, which was the largest
student organization of the New Left, and is also a sometime contributor to
The Nation, toured the ruins, searched his conscience, observed his fellow
citizens binding their wounds, and concurred:
I loved these strangers, and others I met in those days, and didn’t feel
mawkish about it – these new, less aggressive New Yorkers, speaking in
hushed voices, or so it seemed, lining up to give blood at the local
hospitals on day one, disappointed that no one was collecting it; the
cabbies driving in unaccustomed silence,… New Yorkers without their
carapaces, stripped down to their unaccustomed cores; no longer islands unto
themselves. I took inspiration from the patriotic activists who seem to have
brought down Flight 93 over Pennsylvania and probably saved the White
House…. It dawned on me that patriotism was the sum of such acts.
And so Todd Gitlin did what for him until that moment would have been
unthinkable: he draped a flag from his window.
In an article titled, “Varieties of Patriotism,” Gitlin attempts to explain
the defection of his comrades by referring to the shaping experience of
their generation in the fires of the Vietnam War. “For a large bloc of
Americans, my age and younger, too young to remember World War II – the
generation for whom ‘the war’ meant Vietnam and possibly always would, to
the end of our days – the case against patriotism was not an abstraction.
There was a powerful experience underlying it: as powerful an eruption of
our feelings as the experience of patriotism is supposed to be for patriots.
Indeed, it could be said that in the course of our political history we
experienced a very odd turn about: The most powerful public emotion in our
lives was rejecting patriotism.”
For activists like Gitlin, who was brought up in a liberal household and at
a still impressionable age was sucked into the anti-American radicalism of
the Vietnam years, this testimony may have an element of authenticity. But
Vietnam was a long time ago and apart from such personal circumstances it
can have little bearing on the allegiances of a whole generation. The Nation
– and other institutions of the left – were anti-American and rejected
patriotism a long time before Todd Gitlin came of age. They supported Stalin
and then Mao and finally the Hanoi-based Communists as Vietnam “patriots”
and bearers of “rice roots democracy” to a people oppressed. Moreover, there
was nothing inherent in the Vietnam War that should have made any American
turn against his own country. Every year that has passed and disclosed the
realities of what happened then attests to this fact.
It is interesting and illuminating in probing the mind of the anti-American
left how once the United States was defeated in this war (in no small part
through their efforts) the Vietnamese whom they had claimed to love with all
the passion they denied their own country disappeared entirely from their
consciousness. When America withdrew, thousands of innocent Vietnamese were
murdered by the Communists and hundreds of thousands fled. The conquered
nation was reduced by the victors to an impoverished gulag. But this Vietnam
simply disappeared from the consciousness and the conscience of the
“anti-war” left. Now that the Great Satan was gone.
Since the end of the Vietnam War, memoir after memoir has appeared from the
pens of the victorious Communists, among them Col. Bui Tin, a pioneer of the
Ho Chi Minh Trail and leader of the Hanoi regime, and Truong Nhu Tang, a
founder of the National Liberation Front, to name but two. The testimonies
of these disillusioned victors confirm what the post-war slaughter had
already revealed – that the conflict was not about the liberation of South
Vietnam as the left maintained. Nor was it about an American oppressor and
Vietnamese “nationalists” aspiring to self-determination. It was about the
conquest of the South by a ruthless and oppressive Communist regime whose
ambitions America had tried in vain to stop. Far from being an “indefensible
war,” as Todd Gitlin – still ensnared by false memories and false
consciousness—now describes it, the war reflected America’s honorable
intentions and commitments. Americans can be proud that they tried to save
Vietnam from the Communist horrors that befell its people after America was
forced to leave.
A faithful comrade of Ho Chi Minh, Colonel Bui Tin became disillusioned only
when he saw what the Communist victory he had worked so hard to achieve
actually meant for his people. In 1995, he wrote: “Nowadays the aspiration
of the vast majority of the Vietnamese people, both at home and abroad, is
to see an early end to the politically conservative, despotic and
authoritarian regime in Hanoi so that we can truly have a democratic
government of the people, by the people, for the people.” (Bui Tin,
Following Ho Chi Minh, p. 192) But the aspirations of the Vietnamese people
are as invisible and lacking in concern to American radicals today as are
the testimonies of the Iraqis freshly liberated from the prisons and torture
chambers of Saddam Hussein.
I half believe Todd Gitlin when he says he has accepted and embraced his
country, even though he took down his flag “a few weeks after 9/11,” and
“felt again the old estrangement, the old shame and anger at being attached
to a nation” after Bush declared war on the Axis of Evil. I half believe him
even though he opposed the war in Iraq and appeared on a platform at
Columbia with a fellow protester who wished America would suffer “a million
Mogadishus” and be brought to its knees. I half believe him even though he
has written that the very “essence” of American policy in the war on terror
is “monumental arrogance” – and that this not only “is the hallmark of
Bush’s foreign policy, it is his foreign policy.” Learning the truth –
especially when it requires admitting that you were so profoundly and
destructively wrong -- can be an arduous and painfully slow task.
Todd Gitlin and others like him will have their new patriotism tested over
time, as they will their compassion for ordinary people like the Iraqis whom
America’s “runaway bullies” have, in fact, liberated from one of the most
oppressive regimes in the modern world – and with no support from
“progressives” like them. But there are many more “anti-war” activists on
the left who will not have their patriotism tested at all, because it simply
does not exist. This is what Richard Rorty called (and whom Todd quotes) the
“spectatorial, disgusted, mocking left” that does not dream of “achieving
our country.” This left would do well to reflect on what Todd Gitlin came to
realize in the terrible beauty of those days after 9/11:
“Patriotism, is not only a gift to others, it is a self-declaration: It
affirms that who you are extends beyond – far beyond – yourself, or the
limited being that you thought was yourself. You are not an isolate. Just as
you have a given name and a family name, you also have a national name. One
deep truth about September 11 was that a community was attacked, not an
assortment of individuals.” Just so. Those individuals in their identity
beyond themselves is what America is about.
The attack on this community is what brought Todd Gitlin and Christopher
Hitchens face to face with their feelings for ordinary Americans in the days
after 9/11. Gone in these moments was their elitist identification with a
mythical international community and their snobbish depreciation of the
simple, concrete and authentic loyalties that ordinary, non-intellectual,
Americans feel for each other and for a country, where– as Gitlin tersely
puts it – “diversity is not a feel-good slogan and debate is lifeblood.”
I’ll buy that, Todd. That’s my country too. I’m glad to join hands with you
to defend it.
©2003 FrontPageMag.com
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